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There are Black residents who in the early days of the unrest felt vulnerable … and still do. A spokesman for the Minneapolis Police Department declined repeated requests for comment.

At a summer Freedom Fighters event, a patrol officer stopped and posed for selfies with members of the group during a minute visit.

Leslie Redmond, president of the Minneapolis National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, said she is happy the men are armed and wants them to grow as community leaders.

Taylor and other members view the group as a way to provide safety for peaceful protesters. But they also understand that Black men armed with legally registered guns are viewed differently by many in law enforcement and other parts of society than, say, white militia members who stormed state capitols waving their firearms without repercussions in recent months.

Months after Floyd was killed in Minneapolis police custody, as national unrest over police brutality toward Black people has mixed with partisan politics, deadly incidents have occurred in Kenosha, Wis.

In Kenosha, Kyle Rittenhouse, a white Illinois teenager who traveled across state lines with a military-style rifle, is accused of killing two white men who were protesting the police shooting of Jacob Blake, a Black man who was struck multiple times in the back during an arrest.

Rittenhouse was not apprehended by police at the scene but was arrested later on homicide charges; his attorneys argue the year-old was acting in self-defense.

Near Portland, meanwhile, Michael Reinoehl, 48, a white man who had provided armed security to protesters, was killed by federal agents in a hail of gunfire as they sought to arrest him in the shooting death of a member of a far-right group.

Before his death, which government agents claim occurred when he pulled out a weapon as they confronted him, Reinoehl had told a reporter that he had acted to protect the life of a companion when the man he shot attempted to attack them.

Members of the Freedom Fighters say their objective is to avoid confrontations by working hand in hand with authorities and making clear that they are prepared to defend their community.

They also say they aim to de-escalate situations so that police do not get involved, because calling the police has sometimes led to encounters in which unarmed Black men have been killed.

Because of its cooperation with city officials, the group is not fearful the police will attack them. In their view, they are an added layer of security in the community.

In addition to marching in the streets of their hometown, some have traveled to Louisville, Kentucky, in support of protesters demanding justice for Breonna Taylor, the year-old Black woman who was shot to death inside her apartment in March by police carrying out a no-knock warrant.

Amid calls for justice and an end to systemic racism, dozens of armed Black groups have sprung up across the nation.

Such groups have marched through city streets in Atlanta and Detroit and have gathered at Stone Mountain in Georgia.

Weeks later, some 1, members went to Stone Mountain, calling for the removal of Confederate monuments there and elsewhere.

The group, along with other protesters, engaged in a peaceful march. Recently, similar groups have patrolled gatherings in Kenosha, where protesters demand justice for Blake.

While armed Black groups hark back to the s Black Panther movement and its armed citizen patrols, the modern iterations by and large do not share the same policing-the-police viewpoint.

The fate of the Black Panthers serves as a case study for the long-standing risks felt by Black men who legally carry firearms.

Local and federal law enforcement agencies, including the FBI, ceaselessly surveilled the group and wound up shooting to death some of its leaders, including Fred Hampton in Chicago.

Outrage by white society to the Panthers carrying weapons, which they had lawfully purchased to conduct armed patrols of predominantly Black Oakland neighborhoods, was such that then-California Gov.

Ronald Reagan signed a gun control measure known as the Mulford Act that prohibited Californians from carrying loaded firearms to protests.

Fears concerning Black gun ownership are nonetheless a raw reality for many people in Minneapolis.

In a nearby suburb in , Philando Castile, who had a licensed firearm, was killed by police during a traffic stop after he let an officer know that he had a legal weapon.

For Romeal Taylor, 28, who works as an overnight security guard at a local hotel, owning a gun has always been about personal protection.

Days after Floyd was killed, Taylor said, he heard from neighbors in north Minneapolis about a call to action for licensed gun owners to protect local businesses from vandalism and destruction.

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Because of its cooperation with city officials, the group is not fearful the police will attack them.

In their view, they are an added layer of security in the community. In addition to marching in the streets of their hometown, some have traveled to Louisville, Ky.

Amid calls for justice and an end to systemic racism, dozens of armed Black groups have sprung up across the nation. Such groups have marched through city streets in Atlanta and Detroit and have gathered at Stone Mountain in Georgia.

Weeks later, some 1, members went to Stone Mountain, calling for the removal of Confederate monuments there and elsewhere.

The group, along with other protesters, engaged in a peaceful march. Recently, similar groups have patrolled gatherings in Kenosha, where protesters demand justice for Blake.

While armed Black groups hark back to the s Black Panther movement and its armed citizen patrols, the modern iterations by and large do not share the same policing-the-police viewpoint.

The fate of the Black Panthers serves as a case study for the long-standing risks felt by Black men who legally carry firearms.

Local and federal law enforcement agencies, including the FBI, ceaselessly surveilled the group and wound up shooting to death some of its leaders, including Fred Hampton in Chicago.

Outrage by white society to the Panthers carrying weapons, which they had lawfully purchased to conduct armed patrols of predominantly Black Oakland neighborhoods, was such that then-California Gov.

Ronald Reagan signed a gun control measure known as the Mulford Act that prohibited Californians from carrying loaded firearms to protests. This is about filling the gap we see between police and community.

Fears concerning Black gun ownership are nonetheless a raw reality for many people in Minneapolis. In a nearby suburb in , Philando Castile, who had a licensed firearm, was killed by police during a traffic stop after he let an officer know that he had a legal weapon.

For Romeal Taylor, 28, who works as an overnight security guard at a local hotel, owning a gun has always been about personal protection.

Days after Floyd was killed, Taylor said, he heard from neighbors in north Minneapolis about a call to action for licensed gun owners to protect local businesses from vandalism and destruction.

He can still hear the sound of the National Guard Humvees barreling past him and the hum of helicopters overhead as he holstered his Glock.

He had to work to steel his nerves during their long nights of patrolling. Seeing an armed Black man — knowing he is here to take care of the community, nurture the community — is a blessing.

Sayers got involved after witnessing outside groups — white supremacists, he says — burning properties around the area where Floyd was killed.

He wanted to help protect Black-owned businesses. The Rev. Tim Christopher, whose church is in north Minneapolis, has a concealed carry permit and packs during church service on Sundays.

Christopher, who has testified at the state Capitol in St.

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